Tag Archives: Afro – Carribean

How can the impact of poverty be understood in contemporary society?

poverty729-620x349When the word poverty is mentioned, we are captivated by an image of a child no younger than seven wandering the dusty wide streets of a third world country. The feelings of desperation, hunger, sadness, loneliness and vulnerability through his swollen tearful eyes after an hours’ search for a taste of satisfaction soften our hearts melting with sorrow, helplessness and compassion. A picture of his skeletal body pressing onto his flesh mounted on every charity leaflet displayed by street fundraisers we are approached by in our local high streets or a homeless man at the street corner only be heard by the cardboard held by his hands reading: Homeless and Hungry Please help with an exclamation mark as he bows his head down with his eyes peering down at the ground.

Tower block of flats with stairwells overpowered by heavy stench of  urine littered with dirty needles, debris of dust, empty food packets, dried on newspapers and magazine strips. A row of houses with windows patched with wood and walls patterned by graffiti, showing threats, offensive slurs and hatred presumably written by domineering and bullying feral minded youths with the routine of getting drunk on cheap alcohol purchased from shops on what their ignorant dictionary refer as “The Paki Shop”  a typical derogatory banter shared between among feral subcultures, an obvious reaction after being intoxicated by the cheap booze, brought with their “free money” from the government and the result of wave of immigration for South Asia in the 1960s. Their vocabularies are largely spat out with a tirade of profanity and their only reputation is to be thugs and anti – social menaces. This obviously captures our mind with resentment and awareness about the consequences of what poverty can bring, hostility and resentment towards those are from middle and upper class backgrounds.

Poverty is a major social issue along with racism, ageism, social exclusion and sexism. Although poverty is acknowledged and there are certain policies with the aim to neutralise  its high numbers, it continues to be a major issue worldwide. Poverty is not difficult to define as comes in two forms. Absolute poverty,  according to Rowntree (1890’s) is to have insufficient funds for their human rights. In clarity, the amount of income a person needs to pay rent, for food and clothing. Being poor also defines not having the materialistic needs to be accepted within the social norms of society in which Townsend (1970’s) defines as relative poverty. Relative poverty is obviously used to explain poverty in western societies where computers and mobile phones are used to be seen as luxuries in the past. Today, it’s becoming a norm for people to own them. If they do not have any of those items, they may be classified as poor and could make them feel excluded from society.

Functionalists like Davis and Moore (1967) and Parsons (1951) see inequality as unavoidable and is essential for society to create social cohesion. In comparison to other social groups, those who from below the poverty-stricken backgrounds remain stuck especially those as their environment lack opportunities that help them to escape poverty, such as apprenticeships, education and work training programmes. Thus, can be a breeding ground for anti-social behaviour caused by the feelings of frustration among subcultures that live there. Poverty can be seen as an incentive to motivate people, especially those who live poverty-stricken towns and neighbourhoods to find ways to better their chances to leave the depressing position behind by taking advantage of education and government related employment programmes. However, they are motivated by financial rewards rather than enrolling on programmes that aims to help them build their self esteem and self confidence.

Marxists thinkers like Westgaard and Resler (1976) and Kincaid (1979) argue that the bourgeoisie use poverty as an aid to help them meet their own selfish interest by exploiting the feelings of powerlessness and frustration held in the proletarians . Consequently, inequalities are created and eventually, lead to conflict and resentment among the proletarians towards the bourgeoisie . The strength of this explanation is that it highlights the concentration of wealth in the capitalist market and explains the ruling class uses the welfare state as a weapon to prevent the poor from rebelling against the capitalist system. Another criticism of the Marxist lens is it ignores the positives inequalities may bring. For example, it will give the poor and those from working class backgrounds the motivation and persistence to succeed and additionally, ameliorate their levels in resilience and coping skills.

Weberian thinkers like Townsend (1970) believe that inequalities are a result of the demands from the labour market and it is strongly influenced by characteristics, such as race, gender, age and level of education. This explanation highlights some points that people can be blamed for causing poverty especially concern revolve around race and gender. They (Weberians) also believe that people are enslaved in the poverty trap because they lack the power to force other social groups to increase their level of reward. However, Weberian thinkers can be criticised for ignoring the causes of poverty in individuals, such as discrimination in race, age, disability and socio-economic backgrounds. This (Weberian) approach is seen as  more sensitive to these issues of stratification and inequalities and do not see inequality as the cause of poverty. They see that inequalities focus on power and demands from the labour market. Weberians concurs  with the Marxists that inequality is unavoidable in the capitalist system. However, they do not mean that poverty itself is unavoidable. Inequalities can be reduced through progressive taxation, which means that the more money people earn, the more taxes they pay and suggest that relative poverty should be eliminated. This they believe could neutralise the financial burdens endured by those who are from lower and working class backgrounds.

The New Right believe capitalist economies play a key role in poverty  because businesses need to gain more profits by making sure that public spending are kept short. They (New Right) also believe the welfare state is to blame for causing poverty indirectly by forcing entrepreneurs to make higher tax payments. Consequently,  job opportunities are not created. They  feel the welfare state is responsible for encouraging people to be more interested in claiming benefits, which creates fatalistic attitudes, believing they are better off living on handouts rather than working for a minimum wage as they are put off by the possiblity of rejection from potential employers and a vicious no win situation. However, a criticism of the New Right is that poverty would increase if the welfare state was eradicated, thus exacerbating the levels of mixed emotions among those who are already trapped. They will unable to afford a healthy diet, leaving them susceptible to common illnesses, which could leave them absent from the labour market. This means, they won’t be receive a regular income to cover the basic needs for survival.

Women are more likely to suffer from poverty than men because of discrimination and demands of their stereotypical roles within the patriarchal society. Since the feminist’s movement in the 1960s, which severed ties with patriarchy, women are now striving for education and careers. However, women are more likely to gain part – time and menial jobs and this could have an impact on their pensions in later life. Women tend to dominate single parent families than men, making their chances of obtaining employment more challenging because of childcare duties. As a result, become more dependent on the state, leaving them sinking into a vicious circle. Feminists, especially those with radical views can argue the welfare state discourages women from seeking employment and as welfare state symbolises patriarchal control and feel threatened to be sanctioned if they work. Glendinning and Millar (1994) stressed that women may be restricted of access to other types of benefits and only 60% of women are entitled for maternity leave.

Women who are in the poverty trap are likely to exploit the welfare state by producing more babies and could lose their benefits if they obtain employment which agrees with Pollak (1961) who argue that women take advantage of their stereotypical roles. This can be seen as a criticism ignored by feminist thinkers additionally, the subject of prostitution, where women will engage in this risky activity to achieve the basic needs for survival especially those with children. This would result them to abuse particularly rape by their pimps and clients if they refuse to give them their services, in fear of having unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. This would eventually leave them permanently incarcerated in the poverty trap.

Neera Sharma, a Policy Officer from Barnados (BBC News) says that poverty can impact a child’s personal, social and educational development. Lack of a healthy diet, hygiene and unconditional love play a part in child poverty. The cycle of deprivation by Rutter and Madge (1976) illustrates on how poverty can have an effect on people. For example, a child be born into poverty, grows up in a council estate and gains the lower class status. They may suffer from health problems because of their poor diet and this would affect their education performance and consequently, drop outwith no qualifications and difficulties of holding down a job and the cycle persists into adulthood. This could provoke them to engage in criminal activities to achieve the basic, materialistic or both needs . Therefore, it would make it difficult for them obtain employment, mirroring the cycle of deprivation. Eventually this cycle can be passed on from generation to generation. This can influence them and adopt this as a way of life manifest the fatalistic attitudes and refuse opportunities in employment and education.

People with disabilities are at risk of  poverty their  able – bodied counterparts as their physical health restricts them from seeking employment and if they do obtain employment, it would be low skilled and low paid. Oppenheim and Harker (1996) estimated that 47% of disabled were living in poverty in the 1980s. They also argue that higher rates of poverty among disabled people were partly due to social exclusion and discrimination because of the hostile attitudes held in the minds of the able-bodied and the stigma held in mainstream society, where they are labelled as “abnormal”. Alcock (1997) points out that disabled people are more likely to suffer from social exclusion and material poverty than able-bodied, thus increasing levels of depression and low self-esteem.

Disabled people have higher spending costs on items such as heating, adaptable aids, transport and heating than most people. 46% of disabled people lived in the poorest conditions in 1985 and reduced down to 38% in 1996 and 1997. The disability living allowance is designed to prevent financial hardships in disabled people and provided incentives, such as skills training and work preparation enabling them to seek employment. However, it can be criticised for ignoring that people can overcome their overcome with the right support and help from charities and governmental programmes specialising in disabilities. Another criticism of disability as it tends to concentrate on physical immobility and not those who are suffer specific learning disabilities, such as Dyslexia, ADHD, Dyspraxia and Asperger’s Syndrome. Thirdly, mental health is ignored as those who live with conditions particularly, bipolar disorder and schizophrenia are prone to prejudice and discrimination as the hostility held in society unconsciously views  them “crazy” or “mentally abnormal”. Thus excerabates their chances of entering the labour market and integrate to mainstream society.

Members from Black and Ethnic minority backgrounds are twice at risk of experiencing poverty than their white counterparts. Racial discrimination is obviously seen as the core root of poverty and unemployment. Institutional racism in education is a major problem in contemporary society as teachers hold subconscious negative racial stereotypes and lack understanding in cultural diversity and direction in schools, which result in low education attainment and poor academic performance within black and ethnic minoritity groups, provoking them to drop out. This eventually leads to a restriction of job opportunities and therefore, subject them to be permanently trapped in the cycle of deprivation. Thus, engage in criminal activities, such as drug dealing, theft, fraud and robberies against their white counterparts to express deep-rooted feelings of resentment.

Scott and Fulcher (1999) note that two – thirds of Pakistani and Bangladeshi families are in the bottom fifth of the income distribution in Britain. He also argues that ethnic minorities can experience problems with the benefits system as they receive a fewer amount benefits than their white counterparts and they feel the welfare state does not respond to cultural or family issues  e.g. Afro – Caribbeans are more likely to face poverty because they have higher numbers of single parenthood and treatment by staff at their local job centre. Ethnic groups are more like to be socially excluded due to of racism and language barriers if English is not their first language. Alcock (1997) notes that poor housing; ill-health and lack of education could be linked to financial inequality in the Black and Ethnic minorities, making it obvious that strong levels of racist attitudes held in hegemonic institutions, which can back up argument  causes of poverty within the black  and ethnic communities. Alcock can be criticised for ignoring the link between racial hostility and poverty in black and ethnic minorities especially held in institutions and towns that are predominately white.

Poverty continues to make a negative impact in contemporary society, through the theoretical lenses. Marxist thinkers resent the ruling class for the cause of poverty among the poor. However, the chances to rise above the poverty line lies in the self-belief and personal responsibility regardless of their characteristics. Unfortunately, enraged by the negative feelings experienced by poverty, some turn to crime, not knowing it would create a cycle of deprivation for their offsprings. Weberians made good points that people are to blame for their own poverty by refusing to take offers from the labor market and opportunities in education because of their fatalistic attitude. They also argue that poverty indicates the issue of power and status within the labour market along with inequalities. Functionalist thinkers argue poverty cannot be eradicated as it is needed to a certain degree to create social cohesion. Feminist thinkers feel that poverty reveal issues of sexism feeling the welfare state and benefit handouts favours the interest of patriarchy and women are seen as victims of  so-called “patriarchal welfare slavery”.

 

Alcock, P. (1997) Understanding Poverty, 2nd edn, Macmillan Basingstoke.

Class handouts: Sociology AS for AQA, Wealth poverty and welfare p274 – 81.

Class handouts: Poverty and Inequalities.

Class handouts: Theoretical explanations for poverty and the Welfare State.

Class handouts: Individual and groups most at risk of poverty.

Class handouts: Chapter 4 Poverty and social exclusion p 258 – 61.

Davis, K and Moore, W.E (1967 first published, 1945) ‘Some principles of stratifications’ in Bendix and Lipset (eds) (1967).

Haralambos, M, Holborn, M, Heald, R Sociology Themes and Perspectives: Chapter 5: Poverty and social exclusion, (2000), 5ed, HarperCollins, London, p313 – 14, 334 – 41.

Kincaid, J. (1979) ‘Poverty and the Welfare State’ in Irvine et al (ed.) (1979).

Parsons, T (1951) The Social System, The Free Press, New York.

Glendinning, C. and Millar, J. (1994) Women and Poverty in Britain: The 1990s, Harvester Wheatsheaf, Hemel Hempstead.

Pollak, O (1961) The Criminality of women A.S Barnes. University of Michigan

Oppenheim, C. and Harker, L. (1996) Poverty: Facts, 3rd edn, CPAG, London.

Rowntree, S. (1901) Poverty: A study of Town Life, Macmillan, London.

Townsend, P. (1970) ‘Measures and explanations of poverty in high and low-income countries in Townsend (ed.) (1970). (ed.) (1970) The Concept of Poverty, Heinemann, London.

Westergaard, J. and Resler, H. (1976) Class in a Capitalist Society, Penguin, Harmondsworth.

Leave a comment

Filed under Articles

What is meant by race, ethnicity and racialisation and how does it impact migration?

Race is defined as a social construct rooted from the judgement of how we see ourselves, such as skin colour, hair type, facial features and other physical characteristics. Ethnicity is defined in sharing the same cultural values and norms, historical experiences, religious interests and geographical origins. It is underlined (Hall 1989 cited in Fulcher and Scott 2007: 200) that ethnicity derives from ancient experiences and events that highlights the problem of prejudice and discrimination, inevitably will embed in our minds and the minds of the next generation. Racialization is an approach where we are defined by race, country of origin and ethnic culture. Racism is suggested to be an example of racialization where one person from one racial background is treated differently than one person from another racial and ethnic background determined by knowledge, social hierarchical status and historical feuds, resembling the prejudice and discrimination experienced by those of ethnic minorities by members from the hegemonic superior society.

Three theories are used to help us concentrate on our understanding of race. The first theory is the  theory of race and citizenship that concentrates on how race can increase our chances to obtain citizenship and to our human rights as being denied the freedom and opportunity to vote, voice our opinions and access to health and education. This theory flashbacks to the African Americans’ endurance of slavery and the James Crow era seeing racial segregation between black and white communities, the colonization of British India aka the British Raj. The melting pot stems from the notion of assimilation where a migrant is expected to adopt the norms and values of their adopted homeland.

Lloyd Warner (1936 cited in Fulcher & Scott 2007: 203) argued the ethnic melting pot affected Eastern European Jews, Germans and Irish migrants who settle in US cities including New York, Chicago, Boston and Philadelphia. However, the ethnic melting pot failed to apply on black migrants as they were socially bruised and scarred by historical constraints of racial oppression and slavery. As a result, black migrants unconsciously find themselves to be at the bottom of racial hierarchy.  The second theory is the relationship between race and colonialism and it concentrates on methods of making one racial group inferior by a group which is superior (Cox 1948 cited in Fulcher & Scott 2007: 205).  One method that illustrate this theory is the application of science to hamper their spaces for economic and social progress through racial profiling. The third theory is racial discourse, where a set of ideas, beliefs and representation where we can be manipulated into identifying ourselves as British regardless of our racial and cultural differences.

Migrants from racial and ethnic minority backgrounds come to first world countries like USA and Britain in search for a better life and take advantage of the opportunities available which are often took for granted by inhabitants. Unfortunately, they found themselves hibernating in lower class neighbourhoods and obtaining low paid menial jobs. For example, a study on Chicago conducted by Lloyd Warner who concentrated on the race and citizenship theory in America’s Deep South (Drake and Cayton 1945) saw the rates of black migration was very high during the Great Migration period between 1916 to 1919, as motivated by the heavy demands of jobs in labour. African-Americans were encouraged to move to northern US cities such as Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia, Cleveland and New York with the intention to escape from the trauma of slavery and the James Crow era in the Deep South, only to find themselves living in “ghetto” communities  such as the New York’s Harlem district and the Chicago’s Black Metropolis, to find a sense of belonging, simultaneously felt they were bullied into living in these communities by white estate agencies who hold unconscious racist ideologies and hostilities towards them.

African-American migration was unique rooting from the era of slavery, that illustrates in the transatlantic triangle where they  were abducted from Africa only to be treated as property to be brought and exchanged between slaves owners to work in the Caribbean and North America through the use force and intimidation. Although slavery was legally abolished, the exclusion experienced by black people persisted and were maintained in the lower end of the social hierarchy although they were able to progress to middle class and gain academically orientated jobs (Fulcher & Scott 2007: 209 – 11).

Shelia Patterson (1963 cited in Fulcher & Scott 2007: 217) carried out a migration study in Brixton, a district in central Lambeth and learnt that migrants especially, African Caribbeans are likely to settle there and inform their fellow relatives and acquaintances to migrate there at any opportunity. Brixton also attracted many migrants because of the large quantity in accommodation. Populations in West Indian migrants increased from 5,000 to 10,000 by the early 1960s as it had been suggested they were motivated by  mass of job opportunities available to them (Fulcher & Scott 2007: 219). Nevertheless, there was a deprivation in employment opportunities between 1956 and 1959 and thus, unemployment rates in Brixton increased dramatically. There were competitions between white and black people and the main issue was housing. West Indian and African Caribbean buyers and tenants are argued to have more potential to be charged more than their white counterparts and more likely to have disputes with their landlords because of racial hostility and homelessness may occur (Fulcher & Scott 2007: 219).

African Carribeans are rumoured to suffer the worst in housing by living in crowded lodgings and other poor accommodations than their poor white counterparts. Some found themselves buying property, only run down houses to rent out to other West Indian migrants to prevent them from enduring same level of racial hostility and intimidation from their white landlords. It was the same for Sparkbrook, a district in Birmingham, where Pakistani migrants were rented accommodation by Pakistani landlords (Rex and Moore 1967 cited in Fulcher & Scott 2007: 219). It is believed (Zorbaugh 1929 cited in Fulcher & Scott 2007: 219) that both Sparkbrook and Brixton were seen as the zones of transition where the values in housing have been collapsed to a point where it was certain for poor migrants with families to settle in. In Brixton, West Indians were more likely to buy properties in poor neighbourhoods and simultaneously on a subconscious level, create false perceptions from their white neighbours by making stereotypical assumptions that they are deviant and looking for trouble.

Members from Black, Asian and ethnic minorities move into the inner cities to associate with those who are from the same ethnic backgrounds to achieve a sense of belonging and create an external “family bond” in territories known as enclaves. However, others prefer to mix with those from diverse backgrounds to feel a sense of vibrancy and be part of the multicultural salad bowl. South Asians settle in the London Boroughs of Ealing, particularly Southall, Newham, Redbrigde, Hounslow and Tower Hamlets where Bangladeshi Sylhets habituate in Brick Lane whereas Black Africans, Afro Carribeans and West Indians settle in Brixton, Peckham and other parts of London within the Boroughs of Southwark and Lambeth and for those from Irish backgrounds settle in Kilburn. Some however, relocate to settle in other ethnic diverse places outside London such as West Yorkshire particularly Bradford, Leeds, Birmingham, Cardiff, Liverpool and Greater Manchester. Religion is suggested to play a part in preserving their sense of identity as West Indians are devoted churchgoers and majority of those are Christian shaped in divisions of Pentecostals, Presbyterian Baptists and Roman Catholics as opposed to South Asians who are majority made up of  Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs even though there were two central places of worship in Birmingham (Fulcher & Scott 2007: 221).

It is argued (Fulcher & Scott 2007: 221) that the black race symbolises evil, filth and demonic threat to the white hegemonic society, which can be suggested that the media, mostly influences from America injects a massive dose of negative stereotypes into the veins of the white society blinding our views on the black and brown people rather than our personal views and experiences. There was limited contact made between the black and white communities in Brixton, influenced by an unconscious level of segregation. As for example, black men would attend dance clubs held at the Lacarno Ball in Streatham Hill, but the white women there reject their offers to dance. National policies were set up to prevent black men attending rock and roll festivals unsupervised and it was a similar situation in the USA in the 19th century where states implemented acts that would prevent black people from having the same access to public services as their white counterparts. This was seen as one of the reactions to the new-found freedom experienced by black members since the eradication of slavery and hence, opportunities in jobs and education increased.

Immigrants and racial groups were prone to be victims of racial hostility by the white society especially, those who live in predominated white areas as a result of participating in the “white flight” leaving them experiencing feelings of  vulnerability, alienation and intimidation and those who are infected by the ethnic melting point could lose their ethnic identity. A study conducted in 2005 (Fulcher & Scott 2007: 223) stated that the majority who fully or partially identify themselves as British, although they acknowledge their ethnic origin. However, 22 per cent of black people feel they do not feel British at all. Racial prejudice was also reported in study. 60 per cent of black people and 54 per cent of Asians tolerated verbal abuse. 24 per cent of black people and 18 per cent of Asians experience physical assaults and racial harassment and thus, some of them even contemplating of returning to their home countries also known as the motherland as a result.

Racial minorities and immigrants are often on the receiving end of the resentment for the causes of poverty and unemployment suffered by the members of the white society rather than being admired for their strong work ethic . As a result, found themselves a potential risk of racially motivated victimisation.  White people retaliated against black people in events like the Notting Hill riot in 1958. Racial violence against Asians with Islamic beliefs have exacerbated by the 9/11 and the 7th July London Underground bombings created a plague of moral panic where Muslims are branded as “terrorists” and would be stopped and searched in the London streets and train stations (Fulcher & Scott 2007: 226). It was argued new a form of racism emerged in the 1970s that covered the biological racism of dominance known as xenophobia, prejudice against those who are culturally different (Barker 1981 cited in Fulcher & Scott 2007: 224). Attitudes among members of the British society associate with the British way of life, consisting of team spirit and harmony. Migrants feel they will be spared of cultural hostility if they are willing by a subconscious force to assimilate into the British way of life, resulting them to turn back on any customs, beliefs and values their way of life that associates with their ‘Motherland’.

The murder of Stephen Lawrence in 1993 was one of the prolific racially motivated murders in the UK and was recorded in the MacPherson report as evidence of institutional racism. Institutional racism is defined as mistreatment and denial in providing services to people because of their racial and ethnic backgrounds. It is obvious that institution racism is to blame for academic under achievement in ethnic minorities particularly, those who come from African and Afro – Caribbean origin as they are classified as educationally “inadequate” and  “troublemakers” (Fulcher & Scott 2007: 226). It illustrates that racism is not only seen the public sphere, but is more seen in the private sphere by members of authority who are subconciously fixated with the negative racial stereotypes particularly in schools and in policing.

On the whole, this essay highlights more on the negative issues concerning race, ethnicity racialisation and migration rather than the positives, on the basis of globalisation, which was ignored. It appears to be obvious the unforgettable events of slavery and racial segregation continues to be the main catalyst for persistent feud among the black and white communities although it continues to neutralise overtime. The media exaggerate the negative stereotypes influences on our ways of looking at race and ethnicity rather than influences from personal narratives and experiences shared by members of our adopted external families, friends and members of charitable organisations and think tank policies that aim to tackle and neutralise racial prejudice and discrimination. Race and racialisation has affected migration in various angles particularly, being denied of our human rights, the opportunities to progress from one social hierarchy to another regardless of employment and education. The loss of identity among migrants who felt had no choice to make distressing sacrifices to aid their survival in a foreign environment that is turning against them.

[1]Barker, M. (1981) The New Racism (London: Junction Books).

Cox, O.C (1948) Caste, Class and Race: A Study in Social Dynamics (New York: Doubleday & Cox.)

Drake, S.C and Cayton, H.B (1945) Black Metropolis (New York: Harcourt Brace).

Fulcher, J and Scott, J (2007) Sociology 3ed Oxford University Press, Oxford, Ch12

Hall, S. (1989) ‘New Ethnicities’ Black Film, Black Cinema, ICA Document 7 (London: Institute of Contemporary Arts).

Patterson, S (1963) Dark Strangers (London: Tavistock).

Rex, J. A and Moore, R (1967) Race, Conflict and Community: A Study of Sparkbrook (London: Oxford University Press).

Warner, W.L (1936), ‘American Class and Caste’, American Journal of Sociology, 42.

Zorbaugh, H. (1929), ‘The Gold Coast and the Slum (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).

Leave a comment

Filed under Academic Writings