Tag Archives: Modernity

What was the modernist idea of science in rehabilitation, welfare and criminal justice policy of the twentieth century?

Prior to the enlightenment, religion was the major influence on crime and punishment. Criminality was committed by the wrongdoers’ selfish exploitation of free will and sentencing was based on teachings from the bible and fear of God and crime poisons the religious morale at the time. The enlightenment created repulsion against traditional forms of authority and witnessed the emergence on the notion of human rights (Valier 2002: 5). The Gladstone Committee Report named after Harold Gladstone, the chairman of the Home Office played a vital influence on the revolution of the British penal policy (Harding 1988: 591). The report has criticised punishments for promoting barbarism and dehumanizing wrong doers rather than deterring them from re-offending (McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 190).

They (McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 190) also noted that the report should heed the concepts of deterrence and rehabilitation and suggested a scientific approach towards motives of criminality and the treatment should aim to meet the psychological and social needs of offenders. Harding (1988: 607) argued that the Gladstone committee report suggested the idea of borstal institutions for young offenders which was implemented in the early 20th century. Cohen (1985 cited in McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 167) has criticised the old strategies of crime control for being weak and the law was fully dominated by religion.

A century later, policies have been improved with more state involvement, places of crime control was formed into separate institutions for women, young offenders and the mentally ill. The control of justice system was added with many divisions including welfare, science and rehabilitation. Cohen also acknowledged that theories of punishment have been influenced by the principle of rehabilitation as it  begins to concentrate on understanding criminality. Dave Garland (2001: 40) believed that modernity is obligated to social engineering, where science is used to reform offenders, the mentally unbalanced and their social surroundings by interventions of government agencies, probation, police and experts and strategies on therapy and education intervention.

He (Garland 2001: 40) also argued that Durkheim sees retributive punishment as illogical and believes crime promotes social cohesion and the justice system seem to aggravate than deter criminality. Modernist thinkers criticise that classical thinkers neglect social pathology, as they believe criminality is largely influenced by social pathology. The rise of modernity, the social structure was mechanically engineered. In clarity, laws were heavily dependent on religion and the opinions made from the ruling class ( Valier 200 2: 27).

Durkheim argued that modernity created an organic solidarity, where members of the public gallery are becoming independent and social cohesion is a mix of different beliefs and values. He (Durkheim) was considered to be a humanitarian who loathed the idea of physical punishment because it was dehumanising and promotes the glorification of violence. Dave Garland (2002: 43) argued that the birth of the new criminology in the 20th century relied on topics of psychology, sociology and psychiatry and used those studies to explore the traits of prisoners which concludes that those who are exposed to external negative stimuli are likely to exhibit traits of criminality.

Welfare first emerged in the early 19th century, triggered by the problem that young offenders are being treated as adult criminals. The purpose of youth justice was to deal with those who were at risk of offending. McLaughlin and Muncie (2002: 267) argued that the 1960s was considered to be the age of organisation of the youth justice welfare state. During this period, the welfare approach undertook a major change when custodial sentences were criticised for degrading offenders and  it was expensive (McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 264).

They (McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 264) noted that juvenile justice system was to provide community based treatments and therapeutic interventions. Social scientists and welfare reformers started to see that juvenile delinquency stems from poor parenting rather than social deprivation and the lack of legitimate opportunities (McLaughlin and Muncie 264). Imaginatively, the foster care system was launched which favours the interest of the bourgeoisie and members of authority to tackle poor parenting issues. Recommendations in the welfare state included rising the age of criminal responsibility from 10 to 14 years.

However, that recommendation was not implemented when the conservatives came into the office in the 1970s (McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 267). The Children and Young Persons Act 1969 represented many of the welfare interventions in contrast with the Social Work Act in Scotland (McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 267). However, these objections went further in Scotland as the Kilbrandon Report (Scottish Home and Health Department and Scottish Education Department 1964 cited in McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 267) argued that social work intervention was effective in tackling the emotional and social issues among children and concentrated on the needs of vulnerable children and young people (Pitts 1996 cited in McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 269).

The idea of probation stems from religious volunteers who attended courts to assist and befriend adult offenders in an attempt to rescue them and free their spirits from sin, vagrancy and crime in the late 19th century. The first half of the 20th century which was referred as the second age of probation was led by scientific diagnosis (McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 275). A report conducted by the Home Office in 1962 recommend that workers in the criminal justice should concentrate more on the offenders’ psychological needs (McLaughlin and Muncie 2002: 275).

Garland (2001: 37) noted that politics parties had their own perceptions towards crime. The Liberal party emphasised that crime was a symptom of inequalities and criminals needed to be treated with empathy whereas the conservatives stressed the needs of lengthy tougher sentences and believe that criminal offenders should take responsibility for their actions. Although the idea of welfare intervention seems to become optimistic, it was subjected to various criticisms in the 1970s. The Labour may see crime is an outcome of class conflict between the proletarians and the bourgeoisie.

One criticism about rehabilitation and welfare interventions is that they were ineffective. As Garland noted that research in America revealed that the police were less serious of preventing and apprehending criminals  (2002: 61 -2) . A study on the Kansas City Police concluded that there was limited effect of police costs and patrols. Clarke and Hough (1980 cited in Garland 2001: 61 – 2). Martinson (1974 cited in McLaughlin and Muncie 2002) that: 275) concluded from his analysis of 230 research studies on treatment programmes in the US that there was no significant effects of recidivism. Andrew Von Hirsch, the author of Doing Justice: The Choice of Punishment – The Report of the Committee for the Study of Incarceration urged for indefinite sentencing and restrictions on parole use and recommended that incarcerating offenders is the only solution (Von Hirsch 1976 cited in Garland 2001:59).

In conclusion, science provided answers for the causes of crimes and criminality which religion neglected. Science contributed to the initiatives used in welfare interventions especially, in children and young people. Modernity had created spaces for scientific research, punishment and penal policies were favoured by social engineering on converting the ill – minded individuals into healthy law-abiding citizens. Former policies which were previously influenced by religion is now heavily dependent on scientific evidence on a subconscious level. Political parties became involved with crime and punishment through discussions on crime and punishment. The new criminology has drifted from religion to the application of science which constantly changes at present.

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Why has risk minimization come to dominate the criminological agenda and how does it implicate with crime control policies?

Risk minimization was considered to be a stepping stone to dominate the criminological agenda as the criminal justice system now is drifting from post – crime to the pre – crime era. There had been changes in the areas of criminal justice particularly, rehabilitation. as it provided an inspiration for development in self-control strategies against offending and ameliorated the levels for public security and safety. Rehabilitation now concentrates more on strategies to protect the public by hampering spaces that encourages crime and criminal activities, imposing restrictions on offenders’ whereabouts than concentrating on their welfare and needs, such as the provision of guidance and psychological support (Straw 1998 cited in Garland 2001: 176).

Garland (2001: 186) argued that prior to the 1970s, there were no programmes of policing, no substantive interests in crime events and no theory of social and economic routines that generated criminal opportunities and criminogenic situations. Jock Young  who could agree with Durkheim, highlights that crime is seen as a social fact and is part of everyday life and highlighted that Garland outlined the rises of discipline during late modernity such as penal – segregation and preventative partnership which appears to be obvious when the states makes a gesture of law and order persuading the public into believing the state has control over crime (Jock Young 2003: 230). Tim Owen who reviewed David Garland’s book, The Culture of Crime Control, illustrated there are powerful arguments about the rise of  the “schizophrenic” crime control complex and emphasised the decades of crime policies following the Second World War, which was known as the ‘Golden Age’ of penal – welfarism. This period consisted of two important ideas of crime control. The first concentrates on social cohesion that could reduce the rates of crime and the second feels that the state should take accountability for the offenders’ welfare (Owen 2007: 3).

Information Technology played a vital part on crime control and risk management, particularly the uses of CCTV and offender databases. Michel Focault, a French Philosopher who is renowned to criminologists for his book Discipline and Punish published in 1975. The Foucauldian body included works on asylum, the hospital and the regulations of sexuality and punishment (Valier 2003: 149). She (Valier) also highlighted that his (Foucault) work rejected the narratives of the humanitarian development, as it was seen as the negative side of the Enlightenment. Foucault highlighed the notion of genealogy, a study of families and its history. For him, genealogy is about the criminology of us, where history is used to help us understand ourselves and others and what issue was taken for granted and investigates whether there is a historical cause of re- offending (Poster 1984 cited in Valier 2003: 151). It agrees with Garland who suggests that staff in the criminal justice system uses their personal strategies of self-control, which can be applied onto dealing with offenders, such as counselling and alternative interventions such as anger management and therapies involve creative arts (Garland 2001:189).

Valier moves onto discuss that Foucault’s work highlights the link of knowledge and power and cannot be separated as he states:

“There is no knowledge without the exercise of power and there is no power without knowledge” (2003: 152).

His book Disicipline and Punish, experiments with the two concepts and used the example on the changes in the mode of punishment. The era of the French Revolution had one basic form of punishment which circled around a public display of corporal and capital punishment, which illustrates the exploitation of knowledge and power (Valier 2003: 153). The panoptical society is argued to play an influence on risk minimization. This notion was inspired by Jeremy Bentham who is renowned for his philosophy of pain – pleasure. The panopticon was applied in prisons where inmates were monitored for their behaviour and actions during incarceration. Although Foucault was not apprehended with Bentham’s supposed intentions, he was more alarmed with the political technology considered by the Panopticon (Valier 2003: 158). He also believes the panoptical option is considered to be strict by providing a severe form social regulation and control. Foucault’s analysis of the panopticon may contribute to CCTV and computerised databases. George Orwell’s Novel Nineteen Eighty – Four  strongly seized the imagination of the post-war vital awareness with its vision of a total surveillance society and this was also predicted in James’s Rule book Private Lives and Public Surveillance which he provided the benefits of total surveillance:

“The system would work to enforce observance with a uniform set of norms governing every aspect of everyone’s behaviour. Every action of every client would be analysed, recorded, evaluated both at the moment of occurrence and forever afterwards. The system would bring the whole fund of its information to bear on every decision it made about everyone. Any sign of disobedience – present or anticipated – would result in corrective action” (Rule 1973: 37 cited in Valier 2003: 161).

Foucault’s notion of disciplinary power was  considered to be the outcome of numerous arguments about an inspecting glaze in the panoptical society across a range of texts that argues that we are now shifting into a post – disciplinary period of control where power does not reside in a foreign gaze (Valier 2003: 163). Valier stated that Foucault was criticised for concentrating on how work is applied on self experiences rather than using technology to degrade criminals such as, the name and shaming” technique (Valier 2003: 163). She (Valier) also mentioned that the governments’ view of power is only applied on an active subject, such as the relationship between the bourgeoisie and the proletarians and reactions and public attitudes towards monitoring (Valier 2003: 163). Tim Owen had highlighted problems regarding Garland’s Foucauldian analysis in particular his (Garland) dependency on Foucault’s  knowledge and power link. Best and Kellner (1991 cited in Owen 2007: 8) argues that Garland’s book needs to consider some social agents which seize and hold more power than others.

Power (1994 cited in Garland 2001: 190) argues that criminal justice agencies have been drawn into an audit society and information to the public management are shared among each body. He (Power)  illustrates that the neo-liberal programmes often achieve control by relying on audits (1996, 1997; 2003a cited in Levi 2008: 585). He (Power) also argued that as soon as they are limited to financial institutions, audits have been expanded to a wide number of fields, including universities, hospitals and government agencies (Power 1996 cited in Levi 2008: 585). The study of audit was argued to attract widespread attention in scholarships on institutions and are mostly research at present, but has not linked this attention to communities in criminal justice (Levi 2008: 585). However, criminological research conducted by Adam Crawford who demonstrates that the turn to new managerial into auditability has promoted this very turn to community in which short-term programmes can be readily more evaluated (Crawford 1999a cited in Levi 2008: 585). Kevin Stenson (2005; Stenson and Edwards 2003 cited in Levi 2008: 585) argued that this audibility could reproduce class – based inequalities in local contexts.

The Florida Department of Corrections display an example of an audit society by distributing  personal details that are released into society which in contrast, the thoughts of policies that deal with rehabilitation of offenders made it illegal to disclose any  information about ex offenders’ whereabouts (LHO 1997 cited in Garland 2001: 180). Megan’s Law is another example, named after Megan Kanka, a seven-year old girl who was raped and murdered by her neighbour Jesse Timmendequas, a convicted sex offender in Hamilton Township, New Jersey. The murder and criminal history of Mr Timmendequas sparked outrage and consequently, Megan’s Law was launched, where parents and members of the community to obtain access for information of any child molester living in their neighbourhoods. Megan’s Law had categorised sex offenders determined by their chances of re-offending if they integrate into society. Stage One contains those who are at low risk  and prosecutors alert this stage to law enforcement agencies. Stage Two are those who presumed to be at moderate risk  and prosecutors will notify eligible community organizations, such as youth clubs, day care centres and schools etc. Stage Three are those who are at high risk and be subjected to full – blown community notification (Levi 2008: 588). Levi also noted that over 11,000 registrants were added monthly with the New Jersey State Police, with approximately 60 per cent have been placed in Stages Two and Three.

However, Megan’s Law also have been applied on law – abiding citizens, particularly the rules of conduct where in order for members of community to receive information of sex offenders living in their neighbourhood, they are obliged to sign a contract pledging not to violate the codes of conduct by disclosing any information to any members outside the community and information should be shared appropriately (Shapiro 1987 cited in Levi 2008: 593). In the case of notifications to local schools when school principals are notified, a state liaison provides them a ‘School Personnel Rules of Conduct’ and ‘Information Reference Sheet for School Principals’ and reassessed on how notice should be stored and limits on its communication among staff members. Once principals sign the School Principal Receipt Form, they are obliged to follow the rules within the code of conduct and forms are kept by the prosecutor’s office. Levi highlighted that Megan’s Law was criticised for lacking in penalties against those who selfishly disclose any information of sex offenders to members who are outside the community or class organisations (Paul P. V Farmer 2000; 227 F. 3d 98 cited in Levi 2008: 597).

The sex offender’s register acts as a deterrent by stigmatizing convicted sex offenders and serves as a warning tool to those who contemplate of offending and symbolizes retribution. This seems to concur with Dave Garland who applies the criminology of the self on offenders where they are seen as monstrous psychopaths who shed no remorse or empathy (Garland 2001: 184). John Major  argues that the criminology of self encourages the public to be alert and prepare to defend themselves against these “monsters”(1993 cited in Garland 2001: 184). Even though the sex offender’s register acts as a powerful deterrent, it can  damage the offender’s self –esteem and in consequence, encourages re-offending in away to reinstate in incarceration. Megan’s Law considers to symbolize state power and the division of labour between the state and the community,which predicts that communities are at risk of being plagued with fear and doubts about safety (Ericson 2007a; Simon 2000 cited in Levi 2008: 599).

Risk minimization is considered to revolve around community and therapeutic interventions, such as anger management and drug counselling. Pat O’ Malley drew attention to drug harm minimization which were developed as a form of resistance, created by the governments in New Zealand and Australia in defence against the War on Drugs campaign  in the USA (O’Malley 2008: 457). These policies assume that drug addiction considered to be a possible threat to themselves and public safety by the possibility of contracting HIV through shared needles and exposure to vulnerable people in vulnerable “hot spots”. It does not only apply to illegal drugs but on tobacco, alcohol and prescribed drugs (O’Malley 2008: 458). He (O’Malley) also recommends that drug users should take responsibility for minimising their risk of drug harm by attending drug rehabilitation centres, receive advice practicing safe drug administration and usage and take advantage accessing methadone to help them reduce their drug cravings (2008: 458). Dave Garland (1996 cited in O’Malley 2008: 459) can agree with classicist thinkers by arguing that drug users are chose to be drug addicts or drug than their social, psychological and environmental influences.

Risk minimization appears to be optimistic and realistic in dealing with crime, especially changes in rehabilitation as it concentrates on public safety and hampering spaces in areas which breeds criminality than attempt to make offenders into law-abiding citizens. However, the uses of CCTV and distribution of databases particularly and sex offenders register seem to deliver plagues of moral panic and paranoia in the public sphere, which could result in vigilantism. Foucault should be praised for his analysis on the panopticon and contribution on risk minimization by applying the link of  knowledge and power. The implications of crime control policies aim to protect the public, enhance public security and ensure communities are involved and take responsibility for their personal safety and safety of public spaces.

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